Copyright

All research and writing done by the author of this blog is his own copyrighted material. It may not be reproduced without permission of the author, except for small quotes amounting to no more than one hundred words.

Every now and then I get a hit from someone looking for the Korean Stamp Album. I sent it to my ex, and she says it was stolen. So don't buy it if it comes up for sale somewhere.

Wednesday, October 28, 2009

An Aura of Profound Inner Peace

Philip Wade Pointer, Jr.

Pointer Home in Lawrence County, Ala.

Photo taken around 1864. I would date it to April of that year, when Tom was home on leave. His youthful appearance and his jacket lapels suggest such an early date. Above Tom is a photo of the Samuel C. Pointer home in Lawrence County, Alabama. Samuel C. was Tom's pro-Union uncle.



Tom Pointer was born in Lawrence County, Alabama, in 1839. His father, Philip Wade Pointer, was married to his cousin Emily Legrand Pointer. That particular Philip Pointer and Dr. David Pointer, father of Marcellus Pointer, were brothers, sons of Samuel Pointer II of Halifax, Virginia. Philip died in May 1860, leaving his son, Philip, Jr., in charge of his estate. There is some evidence that Tom and Phil's father opposed secession, and we can say for certain that Philip Sr.'s brother-in-law, Hansford Speaks, was pro-Union. Speaks managed the estate of his wife's father, Samuel C. Pointer, also pro-Union, who had moved to Alabama after the first Indian land there was ceded to the United States. Speaks was born in Alabama around 1814, leading me to believe he was part Indian. The name Speaks is a verb in English, showing up on records as the last name of other Alabamians known to be Indian.

Tom Pointer enlisted as a sergeant in Company I, 16th Alabama Infantry, in Courtland, during August 1861. The regiment fought at Fishing Creek, Shiloh, Perryville and Murfreesboro. It was posted to Huntsville, Alabama, some time after the Battle of Murfreesboro, opening up the possibility that the Lt. Pointer mentioned by Ellen Virginia Saunders during October 1863 was Tom. If so, I believe she would have said he was local and taken the trouble to distinguish him from Marcellus Pointer of Wheeler's staff. On the other hand, if she had no sense that she was writing for the larger audience of "History," she may not have appreciated the need.

Lieutenant Pointer was tried by court-martial after the Battle of Murfreesboro, while Bragg's army was stationed at Tullahoma, Tennessee. The charge consisted of two specifications; 1) that he went AWOL from his regiment at about noon on December 31, 1862, the first day of the battle, and, 2) that he refused to go back up the line until after that day's fighting ended at dark. The second specification even added that the regimental adjutant struck Tom with the flat of his sword to shame him into going back to take his place with his company. That officer was later severely wounded in the same engagement.

The after action report of the 16th Ala. at Murfreesboro states that the regiment took part in the first assault on the Union lines that morning and that it was pulled out of the line at 11am to replenish its exhausted supply of ammunition. Soon, the order came down to join the renewed attack. The regiment pushed  through wooded terrain that consisted mostly of heavy cedar "glades," and outcroppings of boulders. It would have been about this time that Tom went to the rear, or perhaps he was already at the rear with the ammunition train. The skirmishing in those cedar clumps was deadly, allowing the Union soldiers to fight from good cover. Still the Confederates of S.A.M. Wood's brigade pushed the Federals back another two miles in this part of the line before running out of ammunition again.

The 16th Alabama's Colonel Wood named the men whom he felt had done an outstanding job that day, including 1st Sgt. Cherry, who had taken over I Company because it was without officers during the fight. This is the red flag that calls for explanation, but in this case, we are not given any. The most likely answer is that they had all been wounded or killed. Tom was a 2nd lieutenant, and if he was the only absentee from the fight, he would have been in serious trouble.

To bolster the case that something other than cowardice in the face of the enemy was at the root of this court martial, we have the court's interesting verdict. Tom was found not guilty of the second, seemingly more serious specification, but guilty of the first. This has to mean that either the second specification could not be proved or that the facts had been misrepresented to the court. Tom was sentenced to 30 days suspension of rank and pay, and to be reprimanded in front of the regiment at dress parade, a formation we would call a public assembly. The court added the remark that the sentence was light due to "palliating circumstances." Since only the abstracts have survived, and not the testimony itself, we can only speculate as to what those circumstances might have been.

The Pointer family records indicate that one of Tom's sisters died a couple of days after this incident. Did he receive a letter from home informing him that she was deathly ill and not expected to recover? It's a tempting conclusion, but probably not the true explanation. Company I's lack of officers at the time when 1st Sgt. Cherry took over the company is the issue for me. Colonel Wood could have explained that the officers were all down, killed or wounded, except for one, cowering in the rear. For whatever reason, he did not explain. He only mentioned the names of those who had done outstanding service, but apparently had no complaints that he thought should be committed to writing. 

In April 1864, Tom received a 26 day leave, followed by orders to maintain his present position when he returned. If he did apply for a transfer or try to resign, there is no record of it, unless that record is in a separate file. We know that he should have been with the regiment at Chickamauga, and that he did fight in the Atlanta Campaign. Then, when John Bell Hood relieved J.E. Johnston in August, many officers of the Army of Tennessee did resign in protest. Tom sent in his resignation in September, but Hood disallowed it.

Tom was placed in command of Company I when its captain was killed at Franklin on November 30, 1864. Ellen Virginia Saunders' father, Col. James Saunders, wrote a history of Alabama that contains this detail, which was not in Tom's records. Col. Saunders was from Courtland and would have known Tom's family. He served with Forrest, was wounded severely in that general's attack on Murfreesboro in 1862, then sent home to recover. His daughter mentions all this, and says he was taken prisoner along with her brother in 1864. The brother died in prison, but her father was exchanged. I mention this to show that Saunders had only hearsay to go by when he wrote his uneven and seemingly incomplete history of the 16th Alabama, which he included in his larger genealogical work. At any rate, Tom does not seem to have been promoted to captain. There was probably too little time for that, given that the disastrous Battle of Nashville took place less than a month after Franklin.

Hood furloughed many of his officers and men for the winter, once he reached Mississippi as he retreated from Nashville. There is no record that Tom got such a leave, but he did go home. We know that because he was taken prisoner on December 30, 1864, in Lawrence County, probably by the 10th Ind. Cavalry. That regiment reported taking prisoners in the same vicinity, including a lieutenant. Their records state this happened on Dec. 31, and they were raiding in the area at the time. Some sparse information provided this writer by a researcher with excellent credentials suggests that Tom was involved in skirmishing in the area, which could easily have resulted in his capture.

Some days later a squad of cavalry took some horses and a mule from the Pointer farm, while Hansford Speaks and Tom's younger brothers John Henry and Clem looked on. Speaks later testified to the Southern Claims Commission that the horse was his and that he was the overseer of the Philip Pointer estate. Speaks was pro-Union, as earlier stated here, but his testimony was inconsistent as to who owned the horse, as well as how many were taken that day, whether mules or horses.

The commission was in no mood to be generous, since it had good evidence that both Tom and his brother Philip were in the Rebel army. There is no official record of Philip Pointer, Jr.'s service, but one researcher emailed me that he believed that Phil served as a private in Roddy's Cavalry. [I've since learned that Phil did indeed join Roddy's 4th Ala Cavalry in Sept 1862. His widow had to endure a great deal of red tape and legal hassles to get her pension approved after his death.] The Pointer claims were only partially paid, and only then because there were under age children in the family. Underage children were not held accountable for the "treason" of their elders, and so could be pro-rated for their shares of any property taken or destroyed by Union troops acting under the orders of an officer. The estate began its suit in 1871, and in 1877 settled for around 120 dollars out of an original claim of over 1600.



This photo merge is of Tom's mother-in-law, Susan Watkins Foster, and one of her children, taken about 1859. I added the caption to the CDV image, and the color portrait was sent to me as a confirmation that I had correctly guessed the identity of the woman holding the child.


Tom Pointer was sent to Fort Delaware, where he spent the last six moths of the war. His prison records list him as a 1st lieut., while his Confederate records show no promotions beyond 2nd lieut. He was released on oath to the US on June 17, 1865. The next day, he cashed a check for 20 dollars, presumably for transportation home. If he was a reluctant warrior, all Tom had to do was take the oath to the US as soon as he got to Fort Delaware. Yet there seems to be no indication that he was anything but a loyal Confederate during his incarceration. I find it very hard to believe that a man who would walk away from a battle like the one at Murfreesboro would have the stomach for Franklin or Nashville. Obviously there is a missing back story that I would very much like to uncover.

In November 1874 Tom married 19 year-old Elizabeth "Bettie" Foster. The albums I inherited contain several photos of Tom and John Henry Pointer, and there is even a group shot of six people that can be dated to the winter of 1874. In that one, probably taken about the time of his wedding, you can make out Tom and his bride. Unfortunately, the photo is very grainy, and quite small. A photo of Bettie in her old age does exist, and it's easy to see the resemblance. Tom died in 1888 in Decatur, Alabama, and is buried in Courtland. His youngest daughter lived until 1971, and photos of her family survive.

Every photo of Tom that I own shows him smiling through a twinkle in his eyes, as if he was radiating the aura of some profound inner peace. Whatever happened at Murfreesboro must have been an anomaly, if looking into the eyes of a man in old photos can reveal something of his soul. It may simply be that Tom Pointer was more at home and at peace with himself and his God than the rest of the world was during that terrible conflict. If I meet up with him in the hereafter, I hope to shake his hand and . . . listen.




Below is Tom's youngest daughter, taken around the turn of the century. Her name was Susan Watkins Pointer Malone.

Friday, October 23, 2009

Gunfight in Dallas: 1878




Seen above is Capt. Ira Harris, Jr., in 1904. (From a Washington, D.C., newspaper.) The grave marker photos are from Findagrave.com. Wearing his Confederate uniform, is Col. Marcellus Pointer.

The following essay is the intellectual property of the webmaster. It represents both original research and original writing, interpretation and analysis. All rights reserved.

I've come upon new information, namely the testimony of Ira Harris, Jr., at the inquest the day after the gunfight. He testified that he did not believe that Marcellus Pointer fired any shots that day, and that it was his opinion that Rosser and Obenchain each fired three shots. He added one or two other items of interest, all of which is enough to prompt me to rewrite the relevant parts of this essay.  TB
July, 2012

Gunfight in Dallas

A few minutes after 11am on September 4, 1878, Dr. Joseph W. Calder, general manager of the Dallas & Wichita Railroad, stopped by the Dallas County sheriff's office and asked to be sworn in as a deputy. He told the sheriff that he had been having trouble with bridge burners and wanted legal authority to arrest any he caught. The previous night, he had taken his shiny revolver to a gunsmith to have it cleaned and loaded. Once deputized, Calder could legally carry a firearm. He may even have carried this one in the Civil War, for the transplanted Pennsylvanian had served in the pro-Union Nevada territorial militia from 1864 until his resignation the following year. Captain of a cavalry company that saw little action, Calder had also served a term in the Nevada territorial legislature. Where he came by his money is not known, but upon arriving in Dallas in 1870, Calder was able to rent the Guillot mansion for 100 dollars a month, payable in gold. He lived in the house for less than two years, then moved into a hotel in the business district.

How he became known as “Dr. Calder” is a mystery, but in November 1872, as president of the original D&W, he made one of several speeches at its groundbreaking ceremony. Such oratory was premature, for the Panic of 1873 halted work on the line, which then went bankrupt. Yet in February 1875, the line was resurrected by an optimistic state legislature at Austin. After a year of surveying, grading and bridging, the city bought out J.W. Calder's interest in the company for 30,000 dollars. However, by June 1876, the struggling commuter line was facing its second bankruptcy, allowing Calder to play the white knight.

When Captain Calder came to its rescue, the Dallas & Wichita Railroad  was little more than a fanciful drawing on the map. While some track had actually been laid, the company's state-imposed deadline of reaching Denton by mid-April 1876 had come and gone. By court order, the assets of the railroad, which mostly consisted of right-of-way land granted by the state, were to be sold at auction on July 4, 1876. Just one day before that, Calder agreed to pay off its debts. Under a reorganized charter, the new deadline became the Denton County line, to be reached by June 1, 1878. A tree stump, a little over nineteen miles from the line's Dallas terminus, marked the spot. The incentive to meet that deadline was a 50,000 dollar bonus put up by the city. That came to half the amount voted by the city council, with the remainder to be paid once the line reached Denton. To put it plainly, the City of Dallas was unwilling to fund track laying in advance, forcing the D&W to raise its own capital during economic hard times.

While the little rail line had lofty ambitions, hoping to one day reach the Gulf of Mexico, it originally did not even own a single engine. Not surprisingly, the June 1 deadline came and went, the stump was still miles away, and a contract for providing cross-ties and fastenings went unpaid. Meanwhile, the directors had contracted to deliver the mail to Denton County, which they had no hope of reaching. Such difficulties, complicated by strings attached to the funding of the line, kept the D&W perpetually in debt and behind schedule in construction. With a rented engine pulling the cars, the first train finally ran in January 1877. Yet passengers were riding those cars and paying fares for the privilege. Pushed to the limit of its capacity to turn a profit, the company spent the 1500 dollars a month it earned as fast as the money came in. It may be no coincidence that January 1877 also marked the election of a new board of directors for the line, including J.W. Calder. If he had  made no enemies during the D&W's bankruptcy days, he would find no shortage of them on the current slate of directors.

Having made enemies, Calder also had scores to settle, for he was not gunning for bridge burners when he had himself deputized on that sultry September day in 1878. He was instead hurrying to catch up with a group of men headed for a showdown, for the D&W board of directors was rife with partisan bickering. Republicans on the board had been pro-Union during the Civil War, while the Democrats had taken the Confederate side. Allied with the latter was Dr. Silas Reed, veteran Union surgeon from St. Louis, the one anomalous Democrat. In 1869, Reed had been nominated for the post of surveyor general of Wyoming under President Grant, but rumors of graft and malfeasance soon hounded the doctor. Grant had believed the charges and eventually let Reed go, only to reinstate him later. Subsequently called to testify at congressional hearings investigating corruption in the Grant administration, the spry old surgeon did nothing to undermine Grant. Instead, he used the hearings, as well as letters to the press, to defend his own tarnished reputation.

Reed owned two iron foundries in St. Louis. However, since the two companies that originally supplied the D&W with rails went by different names from those owned by Reed, his involvement with the railroad's suppliers remains unclear. Meanwhile rumors circulated that Dr. Calder was embezzling the railroad's funds, while Reed's partisans let it be known that he (Reed) was the one who was capitalizing the line's halting progress toward the stump. Democrats on the board of directors, while they did not like Reed, could find absolutely nothing good to say about J.W. Calder. “No way to run a railroad” could easily have been coined to describe how the two opposing factions went about the make-or-break business of reaching Denton, all the while fighting it out in both the courts and the press.

After Calder had been bought out, a somewhat mysterious outsider was elected president of the line. “Colonel” Malcolm Henderson, about whom little is known, was at the same time involved with the failing Texas Trunk line. Canadian by birth, married and the father of four children, Henderson would play a key role in the little railroad's murky financial dealings. To supply the D&W with rails, Henderson snubbed the St. Louis foundries (and no doubt Dr. Reed) by bringing in Captain Ira Harris, Jr., a short, burly board member whose honesty was legendary. Harris, 35, married and the father of two children, was a ten-year veteran of the navy, while his father had been a powerful senator from New York. An Annapolis graduate, young Ensign Harris took a rifle bullet in the leg during the amphibious assault on Fort Fisher on January 15, 1865. (Clara Harris, who had been in the box with President Lincoln at Ford's Theater the night he was shot, was the young naval officer's sister.) First mention of Harris as a member the board of directors also dates to January 1877.

Malcolm Henderson was ousted during that meeting. To replace him, the board voted in Captain W.H. Gaston, a wealthy investment banker. Henderson's unsatisfactory progress in building the railroad was to blame, for no more than twelve miles of track had been laid during those first two years. Yet Henderson never appeared to be short of funds while he was president. He even claimed once to have arranged for well over a million dollars in bonds, issued by a London firm. However, to pay Ira Harris for the iron rails he provided, Henderson had given him a promissory note, backed up by bonds issued by the D&W. Because Gaston and his vice president, Marcellus Pointer, were both Southern Democrats, a disgruntled Henderson would naturally line up with Calder and the Republicans.

At the time of the push toward the Denton County line, Captain Harris was vice president and general manager of the Kansas Rolling Mill, located in Rosedale, a suburb of Kansas City. The firm recycled old iron rails to furnish the tracks that Henderson laid. Its mill turned out 125 tons of rail per day, as well as 25 tons of other iron products, in two shifts, employing between 250 and 300 workers. Henderson, still under contract, often employed anywhere from 100 to 250 workers to survey the road, grade it, build bridges, and lay the tracks.

During those times when funding was unavailable, the question of using convict labor was even discussed in the press. The incredibly slow progress that had plagued Henderson's crews not only generated heated controversy, but even heavy sarcasm from the members of the fourth estate. Suitably chastised, Calder and Henderson went to war.

Taking advantage of the skills of a Mr. Stevens, the company's civil engineer, the Republican faction hatched a plan to seize the D&W's only working train. Pulled by a run-down engine rented from the Texas & Pacific, the locomotive was described as small and given to fitful starts and stops. Yet this little engine pulled flatcars that carried both rails, cross-ties, spikes, work crews and even ticket-holding commuters. To take possession of the train required a masterpiece of military precision, carried out like a guerrilla raid in the dead of night. In marked contrast to the company's inability to meet ordinary construction deadlines, any such action necessarily involved adhering to a tight schedule. In an operation that would have done Jesse James proud, the "Calder-Henderson gang," as it was called in the newspapers, literally hijacked the train.

On its routine run from Dallas to the end of the line and back, on March 15, 1878, the train stopped for the night. Reed, who often rode the train, then went to bed. While he spent the night at Carroll's Mills, the uncoupled engine laid over at Trinity Mills. In the wee hours, the Calder faction achieved a complete surprise, replacing the conductor, the brakemen, and all other employees deemed loyal to Reed. Come morning, they steamed the engine back to where the cars were loading, then gave the engineer strict orders to leave the unsuspecting Reed behind. Picture him, clothed in his nightshirt, perhaps a lantern in one hand, waving frantically as the train puffed away, lit up by the red glow of J.W. Calder's rising sun. Once underway, the hijackers intimidated the passengers into paying fares to the new conductor, at pain of being forced to exit the train if they refused. There was some ineffectual grumbling, but no violence, for Calder's men had arrived in great enough numbers to overpower any possible opposition. However, Colonel Noble, of the Texas & Pacific, compelled the hijackers to return his (Noble's) engine to the irrepressible Dr. Reed, once the train reached Dallas. Then Reed obtained an injunction allowing him to keep running the engine until the matter could be heard in court in the upcoming June term. Dr. Calder, however, would not wait until June to make his next move. A brilliant move, it would also prove to be as fatal as a spike driven through the heart.

The image is not as far-fetched as it might seem, for wooden cross-ties were needed to lay under the 56-pound rails. Along with them came the fastenings through which the iron spikes were driven, once the tracks were laid down. The D&W had bought these on credit when Ira Harris signed a promissory note to Marcellus Pointer and A.T. Obenchain. Payment of the note would come due when the D&W reached the stump on the Denton County line. By the time that happened, Dr. Calder was back in business. Because the work on the D&W was funded by bonds, both Malcolm Henderson, the railroad contractor, and Ira Harris, the iron manufacturer, were left holding promissory notes backed by those bonds. No one but Calder was actually pocketing any money. He had done that, so the newspapers alleged, by voting himself 30,000 dollars in stock dividends payable out of railroad income. These dividends had been voted at secret meetings attended only by Calder and his cronies, meetings deemed legal due to a convenient loophole in the railroad's charter. Yet as long as Silas Reed continued to ride the train, the fares collected for hauling passengers and freight were his to disburse. Calder needed a better plan than a thwarted hijacking if he wanted to shut down Reed once and for all. He needed something just as bold and audacious, yet undeniably legal. Whether the plan was something he came up with on his own is not known, but what he did next was both bullet-proof legal and as effective as firing at point blank range.

Rather than haggle over who had the right to use the rented engine, Calder executed his flanking maneuver during the last week of May. Claiming that the D&W was in danger of defaulting on interest payments to its creditors, perhaps even sliding down the steep grade toward bankruptcy, he obtained a federal court order that placed the company in receivership. Because Ira Harris was the D&W's biggest creditor, the court named him receiver. Harris then appointed Calder general manager, making the split in the D&W's leadership official. Calder accomplished all this by going straight to the US Circuit Court of Appeals in Atlanta, bypassing both state and federal courts in Texas. This one-two punch completely floored the Reed faction. W.H. Gaston, at the time serving as president of the D&W, never saw it coming. The papers were served on him at a meeting of the board of directors, and the resulting shock sent him, Dr. Reed, and the rest of the Democrats reeling. Colonel Noble took back his engine, while Calder forcibly took possession of Reed's available cross-ties. Captain Harris then authorized Calder to purchase two engines and a passenger coach.

No one on the city council seemed willing to do more than adopt a wait-and-see attitude. As long as lawsuits were pending, the aldermen were not about to let go of the funds they held. Though the Democrats on the board of directors fought back, they had already been out-generaled. Captain W. H. Gaston, an ex-Confederate officer who would one day go on to become the City of Dallas's first millionaire, determined to bring suit himself in Atlanta. Gaston and Reed petitioned the court to have Harris removed as receiver, on the grounds that the D&W was never in danger of default. The Democrats were even so bold as to allege that no bonds had ever been issued by the railroad itself. Judge Woods ruled otherwise, adding that Reed and Gaston had never put up any of their own money to save the railroad. Calder, on the other hand, owned at least 60,000 dollars in company bonds, while the Kansas Rolling Mill, managed by Harris, owned another 192,000. The Democrats suffered their next defeat when the Dallas city council flatly refused to turn over the bond issue funds to them, on the grounds that the Harris receivership left in doubt the question of who really was running the railroad.

With Gaston and Reed effectively neutralized, Calder's crews sprang to life and reached the stump on June 16, 1878. They then organized a festive excursion to the end of the line, complete with orators, refreshments and a band. Crowds of celebrants were content to make the twenty mile trip on flatcars in the blazing sun. Even though all this took place some two weeks behind schedule, Calder was paid the fifty thousand dollar bonus. Left out of this popping of corks and clinking of glasses were three ex-Confederate officers who had nothing to celebrate. Marcellus Pointer, vice president under W. H. Gaston, along with partners Alexander T. Obenchain and Robert S. Rosser, had supplied cross-ties and  fastenings to Malcolm Henderson's work crews. Henderson had presented Ira Harris with a promissory note to cover the cost of his iron rails, while Harris had in turn given a note to the Confederates. Unfortunately for the latter, those cross-ties had already been laid down in the effort to reach the stump, the work having been done entirely on credit. Lacking a fresh infusion of capital, all work on the railroad ground to a halt.

In 1878 cash was a rare commodity. The Panic of 1873 had at one time halted, not only all work on the D&W, but much railroad building in America. A worldwide depression lasting for years had been the legacy of the panic. Apparently desperate for cash, Pointer, Rosser, and Obenchain began putting pressure on Harris to pay up on the note he had signed for delivery of the cross-ties. The bill was said to be “substantial,” and as long as it remained unpaid, further progress toward Denton was impossible. Meanwhile, Dr. Reed went to court to recover 3000 dollars from Harris and Calder over their seizure of what cross-ties he still had on hand in May.

Whatever Dr. Calder had done with the original 50,000 dollar bonus, the Dallas & Wichita Railroad had expended every cent of its capital and every ounce of its credit. No laying down of track could proceed until Pointer and company were paid, and it was this angry group of subcontractors that Ira Harris now had to placate. No more city bond money would be available until the line reached Denton, thus one can only imagine how Calder justified the money he was said to be pocketing. No evidence of any actual cheating ever surfaced, either by Calder or his enemies, still Ira Harris probably genuinely believed that he had been shorted by the Confederates when they delivered the cross-ties. In August 1878, his stubborn refusal to pay the bill in full would be the match that lit the fuse. As for J.W. Calder, he had that shiny pistol ready for action, and he had even been overheard threatening to use it.

While all this was going on, the City of Dallas was facing upcoming elections. Running for sheriff was William Moon, and the controversy surrounding the D&W would take its toll on Moon's margin of victory. Because the politics of the city was essentially the politics of the Civil War in microcosm, the troubles of the doomed railroad took place in a Dallas divided into two opposing camps. The railroad “war” generated enough controversy to enliven the pages of the Dallas papers, along with the Galveston Daily News. Meanwhile, papers in the Northern states would carry stories which badly garbled the names of some of the principal actors, once the trouble started.

As temperatures soared that summer, so did the tempers. Overshadowing everything in the public consciousness was the fear that somehow the yellow fever outbreak of 1878 might reach the city. No cases had been reported, but because both the origin and spread of the disease were as yet unknown, rumors and suspicions kept everyone on edge in a city already caught up in the heated rhetoric of a post-Reconstruction election. Things were bound to get out of hand.

After the brief excursion into hijacking, what had been a contest confined largely to the courts or to public relations campaigns in the press, now took on a deadly aspect. After refusing to pay the Confederates the full value of the note they held, Captain Harris made a counter offer, which they refused. Harris, back home in Kansas City, determined to meet Pointer and friends in person, but on his own turf, the office of the D&W, his usual haunt when conducting business in Dallas. Arriving on September 3rd, 1878, Harris gathered his party together for a show of strength. Calder, for his part, had his gun cleaned and loaded by a gunsmith, then asked for a deputy city marshal to keep an eye on the Confederates. Meanwhile, a meeting was arranged with Pointer's party, the creditors having been told that Harris would settle up with them at 11am the following day. The kind of settlement Harris seemed to have in mind required back-up, something he had no shortage of when the appointed hour finally arrived. He had even received a threatening letter signed"Poin," which turned out to have been forged by Obenchain. Nevertheless, Harris did not think it necessary to carry a weapon.

Harris and Calder waited at the office of the D&W until well after 11am on the day in question, but their adversaries failed to show. The two then decided to go look for them at Pointer's office on Elm Street, a few blocks away. Harris took only two railroad officials with him, saying that if he brought a larger party, the Confederates might get the wrong idea. Calder excused himself, claiming he had some urgent business to attend to, then went straight to the county sheriff's office. His timing could not have been better, for outlaw Sam Bass had recently been killed in the area. Members of the Bass gang were still being hunted down in Denton County, with Texas Rangers even making use of the D&W for transport from Dallas to the end of the line. Under such circumstances, Calder's request to be deputized aroused no suspicion.

Once Calder caught up, if the deputy city marshal is included, the Harris party numbered five men. When asked what he thought might happen once they got to Pointer's office, Harris replied, “either we'll lick them, or we'll get licked.” The men then moved toward an iron pillar, just east of the corner of Elm and Market streets, directly in front of Rosser's hardware store. Apparently not as game for a showdown as Calder and Harris, Stevens, the man who had engineered the train hijacking, lagged behind. Alongside him walked a D&W office employee named McCarty.

Not content to be bullied into settling, the Confederates had other ideas. Making use of an alley, Pointer and friends waited near the back entrance to Rosser's hardware store, covering the Harris party's route. It was the same route Calder always took from his digs at the Windsor Hotel to the office of the D&W, at that time located in the old Masonic building at Houston and Carondolet. If Harris was planning something other than a simple, hard-nosed bargaining session, the Confederates seemed to be planning an ambush. From their vantage point, they would be able to see anyone approaching the intersection of Elm and Market, no matter from what direction. Calder, coming from the direction of the courthouse, joined Harris a minute or two before he, McCarty, and Stevens reached the iron pillar. With the deputy city marshal hovering in the background, apparently unwilling to intervene, a violent confrontation seemed destined to explode at any minute.

Even now, there was still time for talk. Yet every word said from here on would have to be carefully chosen, softly spoken, and calculated not to offend. At least the noonday sun would be high overhead, not glaring directly into their eyes. Tension mounting, Harris and Calder walked right past Rosser's store without seeing the Confederates. A momentary confusion came over them, and they seemed unsure what to do next.

“Here they are now!” Harris heard one of his back-ups announce. It was more of a warning to lookout than a simple statement of fact. The lurking Confederates had just cut Harris and Calder off from Stevens and McCarty, both of whom were still bringing up the rear. Harris and Calder now had to face about and backtrack, thus the momentum of the Harris party, once bent on confrontation, seemed to stall. Diplomacy was the proper course of action now, given that unseen men might either remain hidden or suddenly emerge from hiding to bolster the ranks of the seething Confederates.

“Good morning, gentlemen. I was just coming to see you,” Harris said cheerfully. As Pointer closed in, Harris put out his hand. Pointer took it, and the two shook hands as if nothing was wrong. While Harris greeted Pointer, Calder turned to face Rosser and Obenchain, both of whom were now stationed near the iron pillar. They seemed content to let Pointer do the talking. As a staff officer for General Joseph Wheeler, Colonel Pointer had been wounded five times during the Civil War. The most severe of those wounds were responsible for the cane he now used.

“We have some business to talk over, don't we, Colonel?” Harris continued.

“Have you come to settle our account?” Pointer demanded to know.

“Isn't your office on this block? Wouldn't you prefer to settle this business there?" Harris replied.

“Do you intend to settle up for the full amount?” Pointer was not about to be charmed into making concessions.He repeated his demand to know if Harris intended to settle by paying the full amount.

Harris sized up his man, shook his head and said just one word, but it was enough. “No.”

“Then we'll settle it right here!” Pointer snapped.

“Why should we pay for goods not delivered, Colonel? If you want full payment, then deliver the balance of the ties. What do you say to that?”

“I say you are damned little thief!” Pointer spat back at him.

Angered by the insult, Harris struck Pointer in the nose with his bare fist. The colonel swiftly retaliated by slashing with his umbrella, as if it were a cavalry saber, striking Harris one or two staggering blows. The hotheaded Confederate was just about to land another blow when Calder seized the moment. Ignoring Rosser and Obenchain, his hand went for the pistol concealed under his coat.

Someone shouted, “look out!” causing Pointer to turn away from Harris. Having had enough of caning, a stunned Harris dodged in the direction of a wagon parked in the street. Then he saw it, too. Someone barked at Calder to put the gun away. It was Rosser, moving to cut off the pistol-packing schemer before he could get to Pointer.

“Don't pull that gun!” Rosser bellowed, yet he had drawn his own gun. Then came more shouting,  drowned out by two nearly simultaneous shots.

Pointer, caught by surprise, backed out of the line of fire and into Rosser's store. An unarmed Harris wasted no time. Having brought only bare fists to a gunfight, he rolled under the parked wagon, while Calder and Rosser continued to exchange fire.

“Shoot the son of a bitch!” Rosser shouted. He had cause to be excited, for Calder's first bullet had barely missed its mark, clipping Rosser's lapel. A better shot, Rosser's first round had hit Calder in the stomach. Obenchain then coolly fired the second round into Calder, hitting him in the hip, dropping the twice-wounded victim to the ground. Calder might have survived his wounds had not Rosser and Obenchain each put another round into his desperately struggling body. There would be still more shots fired, yet not everyone joined in the fray. The first blasts of gunfire had been enough to send Stevens ducking for cover in one of the nearby stores, while McCarty sought safety with Harris under the wagon. What the deputy city marshal was doing during all the mayhem, other than standing by dumbfounded, is not a matter of public record. J.W. Calder, for his part, was down but not out.

Lying prone, Calder managed to raise his gun in the air and get off two more shots, but they went wild. Calder's third shot had shattered the glass window pane of Rosser's door. Though not dead yet, the writhing victim soon would be, for Rosser and Obenchain each fired another shot into his twitching body. After that, Rosser took up where Pointer had left off with Harris. The Texas timber tycoon retrieved his walking stick, then attempted to whack a semi-conscious Harris, still hiding under the wagon. With Calder far more than adequately subdued, Rosser seemed bent on finishing off the defenseless Harris as well, if only he could get his hands on him.

“That will do!” said Pointer, grabbing Rosser's arm. Motioning for Obenchain to follow, Pointer calmly turned away from the dead man and his gun-shy companions. Just as calmly, the partners then started for Pointer's office, as if to complete an interrupted sale. As the smoke cleared, the deputy marshal took a deep breath, stepped over Calder's lifeless body, and sprang into action. Pursuing them into their lair, he promptly placed the culprits under arrest.

In all, nine shots had been fired. Six of them hit Calder, the final four wounding him in the leg, the groin, and the temple. Most of the dead man's wounds were to his right side, indicating that, as he struggled vainly to reposition himself in the street, he was hit broadside. Zinging bullets had ripped through fabric, flesh and bone along the entire length of his unprotected body. In return, the late, lamented had gotten off only three shots, doing no more damage than putting a nick in Rosser's lapel, shattering some window glass, and sending bystanders scurrying for whatever cover they could find.

Finding no further advantage to be gained from evasive action, Ira Harris collected himself, and with a little help from his friends, stumbled over to the sheriff's office to swear out a complaint. It had taken the Dallas & Wichita Railroad six years, hundreds of thousands of dollars, and countless man-hours to lay twenty-odd miles of track. Then, in a few furious seconds, it had taken no more than a walking stick, three pistols and a few ounces of gunpowder and lead to kill off both the railroad and the man who birthed it.

Sheriff Moon gave the defendants special treatment. Because they were his friends, he put them up in the jailer's room, rather than behind bars. Citizens who favored the Calder faction were incensed, and many of them would cast their votes against Moon in the coming election. Deputy U.S. Marshal W. M. Anderson, a close friend of Calder's, fanned the flames set by conspiracy theorists, with his talk that the shooting had been a politically-motivated assassination.

The election held that fall would greatly impact the trial. City prosecutor George A. Aldridge successfully ran for district judge, then had to recuse himself from the case. A.T. Watts, not involved in the election and known to be impartial, was appointed special judge. In August 1879, nearly a year after the shooting, the case was finally called. Rosser failed to appear, and his bond was voided, while the other two defendants declared themselves ready for trial. Because of Rosser's absence, Colonel Pointer's attorneys were able to ask for a severance, and it was granted.

Both sides assembled high-powered legal teams, with the family of J.W. Calder bringing in additional lawyers to assist in prosecuting the case. The defendants' legal team included General W. L. Cabell and Judge Fearn, the best that money could buy. The stratagem of asking for a severance—that each defendant be tried separately—proved to be one of the best moves made by either side. Pointer, the last man to fire a shot, would be the first to stand trial, and if acquitted, would be able to testify in Rosser's defense, knocking down the dominoes one by one.

After a sensational five-day trial in a packed courtroom, the jury retired at sunset on August 31, 1879. In just twenty-five minutes, they returned with their verdict. The colonel had acted in self-defense, for Calder drew first. In rejecting the prosecution's theory that Calder had been shot down in a premeditated ambush in the streets, the jury paid special attention to a most damning piece of evidence. At a meeting in Boston, attended by Malcolm Henderson and several other persons connected with the company, Dr. Calder had sworn, “Once I'm appointed general manager, if Obenchain and Pointer try to interfere with the way I run this railroad, I'll shoot off the top of their heads!”

While Rosser awaited trial, new hope of finishing the line, at least to Denton, was infused into the company by a telegram stating that funds for the line had been raised in New York. There was no truth to it. A bogus story, circulated in the Texas papers in December 1879, quoted a “Capt. Pointer” as saying that “Col. M. Henderson” was in Boston, where he had purchased two engines for the line, along with rolling stock. That the line would be finished, with the work proceeding with all due haste, was regarded as “a fixed fact.”

Marcellus Pointer was probably not behind the false intelligence that induced new investors to throw still more good money after bad. He would never have referred to himself as “captain,” when his official rank had been full colonel in the final days the Civil War. Most likely someone else gave that story to the papers. Pointer and Henderson were on opposite sides in the railroad war, and the contractor would have had no reason to wire Pointer with any sort of news. Silas Reed was soon elected president of the D&W, and Pointer treasurer, in perhaps the most hollow victory the colonel had seen since the days he and General Wheeler had attacked and destroyed Union trains during America's bloodiest conflict.

Pointer testified at Rosser's trial in November 1881. A week of heated testimony reached fever pitch when one of Rosser's lawyers cast aspersions on the manhood of prosecutor Seay. The indignant barrister's response was to threaten the defense attorney by brandishing a heavy law book at him. Judge C.F. Tucker then sternly dressed down both lawyers in open court, fining the defense attorney twenty-five dollars. The lecture had the desired effect, and needless to say, the spectators and the press were agog. Seay had to back down, because, as the defense rightly asserted, the prosecution had no witnesses to back up the claims of a conspiracy against Calder. Judge Tucker even went so far as to rescind the twenty-five dollar fine. Rosser, too, was acquitted, and before the year was out, the state dropped the charges against Obenchain. 

Some echoes were heard long after the guns fell silent in the war over the Dallas & Wichita Railroad. In March 1879, Dr. Calder's nephew had his body exhumed and reburied in Pennsylvania. As if the deceased might be a candidate for sainthood, the newspapers were appropriately reverent. Calder's body, buried in an air-tight metallic casket, face visible through a glass window, showed only the slightest decay—a little discoloration under one eyelid.

In December 1881, the D&W was bought out by the Missouri, Kansas and Texas Railroad (the “Katy”) for 20,000 dollars per mile. Jay Gould then had the line completed to Denton, so that in 1890, the new D&W boasted 37.62 miles of track. There were other railroads in Texas with even less.

In 1883, Marcellus Pointer became the land agent promoting the sale of 1,500,000 acres of  “good grazing land” along certain Texas rail lines. As if acting out of a sense of irony, or perhaps even a sense of history, the colonel advertised this fact in the Boston newspapers. Boston had at one time been home to J.W. Calder, as well as many a radical Republican.

Ira Harris faced his own bankruptcy once the Bessemer process was perfected in the years following the gunfight. Recycled iron was dangerous, accounting for numerous train wrecks due to its tendency to warp. Once steel rails became cheap and easy to mass produce, the Kansas Rolling Mill was doomed. Harris took on various government jobs, eventually becoming a port inspector based in New York City. His legendary honesty drew fire from ship owners who wanted less stringent inspections, while his performance in the Spanish-American war brought about an inquest. While towing a captured Spanish vessel during a major storm, Harris, who had volunteered for service in the war, had to cut the prize loose or lose his own ship. The Spanish ship sank, but Lieutenant Commander Harris was ultimately cleared of any wrongdoing.

Timber baron R.S. Rosser, whose booming tent city in Kauffman County would one day be named after him, managed to stay out of trouble and keep his name out of the papers from that day on, so much so that he is not even a footnote in the history of Texas. As for Marcellus Pointer and A.T. Obenchain, both their houses would burn to the ground within a few short years, in each case eliciting only a few lines in the local papers. Neither story mentioned the gunfight, nor was it ever brought up in the press during the seemingly endless legal battles these two engaged in with various colorful characters throughout the 1880s and '90s. Pointer would travel to Cuba, spend a year there, come down with yellow fever and survive, then go on to unsuccessfully volunteer his services for the war with Spain in 1898.

Today, all that is left of the little railroad that couldn't is a restored depot in Carrolton, Texas, while the Calder House, now a museum in Wayne County, Pennsylvania, still stands. It is probably the only reminder of the gunfight in Dallas that does. Joseph W. Calder is buried on its grounds, while his memory is celebrated in local lore as a man who was gunned down in the streets of Dallas by a gang of ex-Confederates who wanted to steal his railroad. When Calder's nephew Frank, also living in Dallas, tried to settle his uncle's estate, he found that it was 16,000 dollars in the red. Not only that, but because Rosser's trial had yet to occur, a shiny, but quite deadly, piece of evidence was still being kept by the city.

“I wish I could get that revolver back from those fellows,” Frank wrote to one of his uncle's creditors. Once he'd reburied J.W. Calder's mortal remains in his native soil, Frank turned his back on Texas. His letters that have survived show that he lacked the funds to continue prosecuting the case, that he reluctantly had to dismiss the lawyers he had hired, and that he never did recover that shiny pistol that got his uncle killed.

Source material for this essay was taken from contemporary accounts in the Galveston Daily News and the Dallas Herald. Dozens of newspapers were also scrutinized using Gale Group's 19th Century Newspapers, through the website of the Tennessee State Library and Archives. The relevant census material from 1870 and 1880 was also consulted, as well as Civil War compiled individual service records, and genealogical data from Marcellus Pointer's family. Other sources include the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion, the Handbook of Texas Online, the Portal to Texas History, photocopies supplied by the Dallas Public Library, along with websites dealing with court cases involving the Dallas & Wichita Rail Road as well as its charter. The author would also like to thank the Equinunk (Pennsylvania) Historical Society for the book Once Upon A Memory, The Upper Delaware, Vol. III, and photos of J.W. Calder's grave. Additional useful information came from Jim Wheat's Dallas County Texas Archive website, which included a newspaper article from 1927 giving a brief history of the D&W, though it failed to mention the gunfight. It should also be noted that Capt. R.S. Rosser, though he served in an Arkansas cavalry regiment, was originally a Virginian. His brother was General Thomas Rosser of the Virginia Cavalry. Finally, though Alexander T. Obenchain was said in his obit to have served in a regiment of Virginia infantry, no record of any Confederate service exists for him. Although he belonged to a Confederate veterans organization in Dallas, he listed no regiment, leading this writer to conclude that Obenchain, who was past the age of conscription in 1862, simply "fudged" his resume. He is not to be confused with Colonel Alfred T. Obenchain, an inexperienced military martinet who was shot to death in a fracas with his own disgruntled men somewhere on the Texas frontier in 1863.

What's New About a Clipping From 1863?


I've had this drawing of "the Rebel General Wheeler" since I was boy. I found it in an old steamer trunk that had been in my grandmother's house for decades. And before that, who knows? I never thought it was from an actual Civil War newspaper, but always supposed it was from the 1870s or 1880s at the latest, perhaps from Harper's Weekly.

I know exactly where it came from. The fun part is to come up with a reasonable explanation of how it came into "our" possession. The starting point is the old trunk. Inside that trunk were many things of genealogical value. One was an old cabinet photo of Marcellus Pointer, taken when he was 19. Inside the cabinet, concealed behind a cushion of burgundy colored velvet, was a different clipping from a Civil War newspaper. I call this clipping the "Exploits" because it told of several wartime incidents of which Pointer was the hero, thus allowing me to identify the boy in the picture. There were also many clippings of Pointer's obits, telling me that he died in New York City in 1909, in a condition of near wretched poverty.

Because I never knew what paper the clipping inside the cabinet photo came from, I was only able to say two things about it: 1) it was from a Southern newspaper from late 1863 or early 1864, and 2) the original article had been copied from the Macon Confederate. Unfortunately, that paper is hard to find online, but might be available from some paysite. At any rate, while trying to find the source of the "Exploits" clipping, I unexpectedly came across the exact picture of Wheeler that I've scanned and posted here. It was in Frank Leslie's  for November 14, 1863, and thereby hangs the tale.

On November 14, 1863, Wheeler and Pointer rode ahead of Dibrell's 8th/13th Tennessee Cavalry regiment near Maryville, Tennessee. Union troopers from the 11th Kentucky Cavalry (US) were tearing up railroad tracks, unaware that they were about to be attacked. Dibrell's regiment charged them full force, Wheeler and Pointer leading the way. They took 151 prisoners that day, but also had a narrow escape. The 11th Kentucky had comrades in the area, and those troops were concealed by the nature of the terrain. Riding straight into this body of troops, Pointer and Wheeler had to shoot their way through what turned out to be a whole regiment of Union cavalry.

First, it's highly unlikely that Leslie's for that particular day had already arrived in Maryville since this skirmish took place early that morning. Thus Pointer must have taken it from some other source. Modern readers are generally unaware that Civil War newspapers printed all sorts of military information that would be helpful to the other side, therefore captured enemy newspapers were a prized intelligence coup. Wherever Lieutenant Pointer got his copy of Leslie's, it was most likely from the Knoxville area, a few days later. I imagine him cutting out the Wheeler sketch as a keepsake.

In late December, a little over a month later, he was so badly wounded that he had to be sent home to Holly Springs, Mississippi. He probably gave the clipping to 17 year-old Alice Wynne, who then kept it in a trunk with all her other Civil War mementos. Those later came into my grandmother's possession, and ultimately mine.

I can say with certainly that the clipping of Wheeler's picture came from Leslie's because the story on the back of it is identical to what was carried in Leslie's on the corresponding page. I still don't know where the other clipping came from, but this is pretty exciting. I now own two clippings from the Civil War. You can see the one that was in the old photo cabinet by checking the biography of Marcellus Pointer posted here. And there is a sample illustration in the post below this, taken from Harper's Weekly.

With any luck, I'll find the newspaper that the Macon Confederate copied, and that will give me some idea of what the phrase "from yesterday's telegrams" meant. There is a very narrow window here, because that clipping mentions the fight at Maryville, meaning it has to have been written later than November 14, 1863. And since it fails to mention Pointer's wounding on December 28, 1863, I have to believe that the article was written between these two dates. As for the Wheeler picture, there are other ways it could have gotten to Holly Springs in the middle of the Civil War, but I think my scenario fits all the known facts.

NB: I now believe the "yesterday's telegrams" alluded to in the Macon Confederate article have to be associated with the December 28, 1863, fiasco. That was when Pointer, along with Generals Kelly and Wheeler had to shoot their way out or be overwhelmed by superior numbers in a raid that went bad. One of the accounts I've turned up makes it clear that Marcellus was wounded in that fight. They all agree that he took a pistol shot from one of his captors--a shot that went through his overcoat. One of them says he was wounded by that shot, (Dodson's 1899 book on Wheeler's campaigns). Both clippings were found in the same trunk, and if Pointer was sent home to recuperate, it's easy to presume he would have brought them with him. That means the "Exploits" clipping should not be dated later than early January 1864.

Colonel Marcellus Pointer: An Unreconstructed Rebel

Marcellus Pointer (1841-1909) Updated and Rewritten: This version is more recent, more accurate, and better written than the South Reporter version.
 
The youngest of eight children, Marcellus Pointer was born on April 20,1841, in Caswell County, North Carolina, across the Virginia state line from Halifax County, where his parents were born. His father, David Pointer, graduated from Transylvania University at Lexington, Kentucky, in March 1822, where he studied medicine. Dr. Pointer then married Obedience E. Torian in 1824. Sometime in 1843, the Pointer family moved to Holly Springs, Mississippi.

A picture of Marcellus, taken in February 1860 shows him as clean-shaven, hair over his ears, and seemingly supremely self-confident. When Mississippi seceded from the Union, he joined what later became known as Old Company B of the 9th Mississippi Infantry on March 27, 1861. His one year enlistment ran out just before the Battle of Shiloh, where the 9th was a part of Chalmers’ Brigade. Pointer’s widow, Willie Mayer Pointer, filed a pension claim in Bowie County, Texas in 1909, the year he died. In it she states that he was not home ten days before joining Joseph Wheeler’s staff.

The biggest problem one encounters when trying to place Pointer at Shiloh is the lack of any official roster that carries his name later than March 31, 1862. If Willie is to be believed, he should have joined Wheeler in time to be at Shiloh (April 6-7, 1862). The problem is that she stated that Pointer joined the 12th Alabama Cavalry, a unit that was not created as a regiment until 1864.

Exactly when Pointer became Wheeler’s aide-de-camp is uncertain, but originally he was a volunteer, with the rank of lieutenant. Wheeler commanded the 19th Alabama Infantry at Shiloh, only becoming a cavalry commander on July 20, 1862. (Lt. Pointer’s older brother, Monroe, of Co L, 154th Tennessee Inf., was slightly wounded in the neck at Shiloh, and his name appears in contemporary accounts of casualties reported in Memphis newspapers.) Col. Wheeler was in Holly Springs, Mississippi, on July 20, 1862. One source even dates Pointer's assignment to Wheeler's staff to that very day. Wheeler is thought by some Pointer descendants to have been a close friend of the Alabama Pointers, Samuel C. Pointer of Lawrence County being Dr. Pointer's brother.

The first mention of Lieutenant Pointer in the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion (or OR as it is usually called) comes in Wheeler’s report of the 1862 Kentucky Campaign. Wheeler’s command made several charges during the Battle of Perryville, then covered Bragg’s retreat back into Tennessee. The General wrote that Lieutenant Pointer of his staff was severely wounded in one such action on the 19th of October, 1862. However, Wheeler’s dates were not always believed by the editors of the OR, for they inserted what they believed to be the correct dates for some of his rearguard actions during the period in question.

The skirmish at Wild Cat probably took place on the 18th, and to complicate matters, Wheeler wrote his report on October 30, 1862, the same day he wrote a letter to Dr. Pointer in Holly Springs. In it he informed Pointer’s father that the young aide was recovering from a wound received at Little Rock Castle River on the 14th. However, in his report Wheeler mentions that Lieutenant Pointer went out with him on the evening of the 19th and was severely wounded (at Wild Cat). He went on to say that Pointer distinguished himself in all the cavalry charges, both at Munfordville and Perryville. The same publication that dates Lieutenant Pointer's commission to July 20, 1862, also gives the date of his wound as October 18 of that year. Since Wheeler went out with the men who fought the action on the 19th at Wild Cat, I accept his official report over the letter to Dr. Pointer. Wheeler is much more likely to have been accurate in his official report if he witnessed the action as a participant. It may also be significant that the 1891 US government publication states that Pointer was relieved on the day after Wheeler wrote both the report and the letter to Dr. Pointer--October 31, 1862. If the wound was more serious than Wheeler made it out to be in the letter, then his young aide may have been sent home to recover. His record indicates he didn't accept his elevation in rank to first lieutenant until June 13, 1863, which might be some indication of how long he took to recover.

Marcellus Pointer’s military records from the National Archives are not very helpful in many respects. They mention none of the five times he is known to have been wounded, but at least Wheeler makes note of two of them in his reports. As to the question of Pointer’s rank, again the records in his file seem murky, and even contradictory. On the 29th of January, 1863, Wheeler applied to have Pointer awarded the official rank of 1st lieutenant, ADC, saying he had already been serving on his staff for some months. He wrote that Pointer was from the 10th Mississippi. (That may be a slip of the pen, for there is no surviving record of Pointer ever being in the 10th.) The bump to 1st lieutenant came through on April 30, and was back-dated to January 29. As mentioned, he accepted the new rank in June.



"Leaving Home" by Gilbert Gaul


Lieutenant Pointer is mentioned several times in the Official Records, usually in the capacity of delivering dispatches or verbal instructions from Wheeler to his subordinates. He is at Shelbyville in June 1863, doing just that. Toward the end of the month, Confederate General Polk was forced to abandon a strong fortified position that covered the only bridge over the Duck River-- a bridge that was in front of Shelbyville. On the 27th, Wheeler’s cavalry, about 1000 strong, were ordered to defend the bridge, while Nathan Bedford Forrest’s cavalry were en route to join them. Forrest feared he would be trapped on the enemy side of the river, while Polk's wagon train was still within easy reach of any Yankee cavalry that could get past Wheeler's little band. This small command was somehow expected to hold off a Union force of some 13,000 in a driving rain that soaked both men and weapons, rendering the Confederate paper cartridges useless.

As Wheeler’s line fell back, two hundred of his men were captured, while another two hundred were forced out of the fight. Wheeler ordered charge after charge, until at last, the wagons were safely across. He was just about to have the bridge burned, when some members of Forrest's staff rode up and begged Wheeler to hold until their column could arrive. Wheeler asked for volunteers, and with 400 of them, he charged into the oncoming federal attack.

Out of ammunition, with Yankees everywhere yelling to shoot Wheeler down, his escort put their bodies between him and the enemy bullets. A small band of no more than 50 or 60 men were with him when daylight finally ran out, and Forrest failed to show. (He had turned aside and taken a different road, away from the fight). In the desperate hand-to-hand fight, the bridge became blocked by a disabled wagon, or, as some accounts have it, Wheeler's only remaining artillery piece. Wheeler gave the order for every man to look out for himself, then he and his escort, including Pointer, were forced to jump a 15-foot embankment into the Duck River. With bullets flying all around them, only thirteen escaped, three of them badly wounded. (I have yet to come across any direct reference to Pointer being wounded in this action, but it seems reasonable to suppose that he was. If so, that would be his second. The third was probably at Maryville, as will be seen shortly. The remaining two have better documentation, and will also be covered in chronological order.)

Returning to the bridge at Shelbyville, the account given in one New York Times obit differs from that told by John W. DuBose, a Rebel trooper. DuBose recognized one man making the jump with Wheeler--Colonel Martin. An interesting detail DuBose leaves out was that Wheeler’s horse was hit by an artillery round, the ball passing through its body. In the NYT obit, Colonel John Bishop relayed that detail, as told to him by Wheeler. DuBose would have surely mentioned it, had he witnessed the General losing a horse in the jump. He does say that Wheeler was unhorsed during the jump, but managed to swim the horse to shore by clinging to the saddle. Wheeler may have lost a horse earlier in the day, or Bishop may have been mistaken. At any rate, both Wheeler and Pointer escaped that day by making the jump, as did eleven others. The 1st Confederate Cavalry, who charged with Wheeler to cover his escape, were not so lucky. They lost heavily. Hundreds were captured and sent to Camp Douglas, Illinois. The Tullahoma Campaign turned out to be one end run after another, forcing Bragg’s army to retreat to Chattanooga, leaving its sick and wounded behind.

Later that year, when Wheeler was operating with Longstreet near Knoxville, Pointer is said by Wheeler to have gone ahead of Dibrell’s regiment in a charge against the 11th Kentucky Cavalry. Inside the cabinet of the 1860 photo of Pointer was a small clipping from an unknown newspaper which had copied the Macon Confederate. The skirmish mentioned by Wheeler is elaborated somewhat, saying the young lieutenant dashed all by himself into the enemy pickets and chased them to their camp, wheeled to the left, and made his way back to the staff. This action took place at Maryville, Tennessee, on November 14, 1863.





Again, the incident at Maryville is complicated by varying versions. Wheeler and Pointer were in front of their column, scouting the way, according to accounts in Pointer’s obits in the New York Times, published on July 11 and 12, 1909. Parties of dismounted Union troopers were tearing up a railroad track when Dibrell’s column attacked them, capturing 151 (all but two). The two escapees, both officers, made their way to the safety of a Union Cavalry regiment, which surprised the pursuing Wheeler and his young aide. The versions differ as to details, but agree that Marcellus Pointer boldly shot his way out of the trap, allowing Wheeler to escape as well. Wheeler was amazed that Pointer was unhurt, and credited him with killing two Yankees in the breakout, while the old newspaper account found with the 1860 tintype said that Pointer’s “beautiful mare received a ball in the nostril.” If this is the same incident Wheeler was referring to in a letter found at Pointer's bedside in the Bowery hotel where he died, Lieutenant Pointer was wounded in the shoulder that day. Wheeler earlier had written that his young aide was wounded a total of five times during the war.

Another incident recorded in the clipping tells of a time “just before” the battle of Chickamauga. Wheeler says something about it in his report of what the OR calls “Wheeler and Roddey’s raid.” The raid into Middle Tennessee was after Chickamauga, but it must be the same incident. Pointer charged a Yankee color guard, who fled, refusing to heed the order to surrender. Wheeler’s young aide shot once, breaking the man’s arm, but still he fled. The second shot hit him in the body, knocking him off his horse. Pointer “wrenched the flag from the dying grasp...” of the Federal trooper and brought it back to his commander. Wheeler’s version is identical, only briefer than that in the clipping.



Ellen Virginia Saunders, daughter of Colonel James Saunders, the Alabama genealogist, wrote of two Confederate officers named Pointer. The Saunders home was near Courtland, Lawrence County, and Wheeler’s staff stayed there in October 1863. Ellen’s entries were later published in Confederate Veteran Magazine. On the 11th, she wrote, “Major Pointer gave me a five shooter.” On the 17th, writing of a concert in Courtland the night before, “Sister Prue went with Captain Wade, and I with Lieutenant Pointer.” Marcellus had a first cousin, Thomas S. Pointer of Co I, 16th Alabama Infantry. He may have been the Lieutenant Pointer Ellen referred to, or she may simply have been confused as to Marcellus Pointer’s rank. Thomas ought to have been with his regiment, but the 16th Alabama may have been in nearby Huntsville at the time.

The obits in the New York Times previously mentioned reported that Wheeler made Pointer a "brevet" colonel on the battlefield and presented him with a gold medal for his actions at Maryville. Nonetheless, at that time in the war the Confederacy did not give out brevet ranks, nor could it afford to bestow medals.  Also, there is one card in Pointer's file on which was written a note referring to him as major of some unspecified cavalry battalion, but it is only a note, not a complete sentence. One researcher confidently assured me that this was an application for that rank, not a statement that he actually held it. It's also possible Miss Saunders may have heard Pointer being called both major and lieutenant. I can even envisage a scenario in which the staff are teasing Lieutenant Pointer by calling him Major Pointer. In the murky world of Civil War rank and protocol, one could be considered to have a higher rank by one’s own state, and at the same time have a lower, official rank, conferred by the Confederate government at Richmond. It should also be noted that an IG inspection report of the cavalry in South Carolina in 1865 bemoaned the fact that promotions were being handed out by division and corps level commanders, who then had to wait months for Richmond's approval. This may explain why the term "brevet" is so often used, when the Confederate government actually did not officially brevet anyone during most of the war.

New documents have come to light since I originally posted this, and they are from the National Archives. According to them, Wheeler recommended Pointer for the rank of lieutenant colonel of the 12th Alabama on January 12, 1864. The confirmation then came through on January 29. Then, on April 1, 1865, Wheeler recommended Pointer to be full colonel of the same regiment. The General must have believed that Pointer would be able to fill the vacancy, but as of April 15, he wrote that Colonel Pointer was still disabled from wounds. Either he was wounded one more time after Williston, or he hadn't recovered from that wound when the war ended. 

The end of December 1863 witnessed what may have been the narrowest escape of Marcellus Pointer’s entire Civil War career. Wheeler with about 1200 men attacked a large train of supply wagons near the Hiawassee River bridge at Charleston, Tennessee. The enemy were ready for the raiders. Outnumbering the Confederates by five to one, they attacked them from both sides of the river, driving their rearguard back in confusion. Wheeler, with his staff and escort company, were said to have counterattacked into the melee, then found themselves completely encircled. However, we can thank Colonel Bishop for an interesting detail that sheds light on what happened next.

Bishop quoted Wheeler as saying he mistook a body of cavalry moving at a gallop for his own men. This was undoubtedly the 150 or so Union troopers who crossed from the other side of the river to join in a counterattack. Wheeler sent Pointer to tell them to slow down and walk their horses, and the true nature of who they were caught Wheeler and his staff totally by surprise. The suddenness of the Union cavalry dash managed to break off and isolate the Confederate left, which a reporter who witnessed the affair assumed was Wheeler's rearguard. Wheeler, Pointer and Kelly, along with the rest of the staff and escort company were caught up in this mad rush and effectively surrounded. Wheeler wrote that Pointer had been trying to rally the squadron that was in full flight, when two Union troopers who were well out in front of the charge confronted the young lieutenant.

Meanwhile, men were trampled underfoot while trying to escape, and even the horse-holders in the rear bolted and ran, rather than wait for the oncoming attackers to hit them. The Federals took between 120 and 130 prisoners that day, including 5 officers, but Wheeler refused every demand to surrender, eventually fighting his way out. Dodson’s 1899 work, The Campaigns of Wheeler and His Cavalry, says that although Wheeler managed to escape, Lieutenant Pointer was forced to surrender. One of Pointer’s obituaries paraphrases a letter from Wheeler to Dr. Pointer, in which the general says the doctor’s son saved his life that day. Dodson quotes a letter to a Georgia newspaper, signed by someone calling himself, “Vidi,” which I take to mean he was an eye witness. Pointer was halted by the two Yankees in the lead, one with a saber about to sever his head, while the other held a pistol on him. They demanded his surrender, and Pointer said “Yes.” Then they demanded his weapons. Pointer reached to his side for his pistol, drew and fired, killing the man with the saber. The other returned fire, then fled himself, while Pointer rode away as fast as his horse could carry him. The bullet fired by the pistol wielding man to whom Pointer had surrendered passed through his overcoat just above the breast. The shooter was trying to get away, too, thus his Parthian shot only wounded Pointer. The lucky lieutenant quickly dashed into some nearby woods, bullets whizzing past him, Federals yelling at him to halt.

"Vidi" wrote that Wheeler would stop to return fire, then gallop off again, until he at last escaped the trap as well. His actual words were "check his pursuers," which to me means turning to fire at them. It's difficult for this writer to imagine Wheeler stopping to return fire unless he is also giving Pointer and others covering fire. This was not open field running, and since the account says Pointer dashed into some nearby woods, no doubt Wheeler did the same.

 As mentioned above, the 12th Alabama was to be up-graded to a full regiment in  January of 1864. At any rate, no record of a Major Pointer exists for Wheeler's Cavalry. Wheeler goes by strict protocol in his reports, never referring to Marcellus as other than Lieutenant Pointer, until his promotion to lieutenant colonel of the 12th Alabama Cavalry. Still officially listed as Lieutenant Pointer, he was on leave as of January 31, 1864. Most likely he was at home recovering from his wound at Charleston, Tennessee. The actual upgrade of the 12th Alabama Battalion to a full regiment took place after June 1, 1864, probably in July. For a treatment of this issue, see the posts in this blog that relate to the Morning Report of November 15, 1864, and the capture of A.J. Ingram.

Ingram was captured during Wheeler's August-September 1864 raid into Middle Tennessee at about the time of the fall of Atlanta. Pointer went along on this raid and was in Alabama with the 12th Cavalry in November when it began the march to join Wheeler's Corps in Georgia. Official word had been received from the War Department in Richmond, naming the field grade officers as Colonel Warren S. Reese, Lt. Colonel Marcellus Pointer, and Major A.J. Ingram. Reese had left from Gasden, Alabama, around November 1 to gather up the absentees, and Ingram was mending his broken leg in Federal captivity, leaving Pointer in command.

Finally, one has to look to the Campaign of the Carolinas to find the next mention of Colonel Pointer of the 12th Alabama Cavalry Regiment, Hagan's Brigade, Allen's Division. At Christmas of 1864, Pointer reported to General R.H. Anderson, who refers to "Colonel Pointer's regiment." I take that phrase to mean that Marcellus was in command of the regiment, perhaps because Colonel Reese had not yet rejoined. Anderson wrote that he had been promised 200 cavalry, but only Colonel Pointer's regiment had reported in. That implies that the 12th Alabama Cavalry had less than 200 men with it, probably no more than the 150 who started the march from Blount County in November. One possibility is that Reese and the men he gathered up remained in Alabama.

Anderson went on to write that the regiment had no wagons to carry its supplies, and that some of its horses had died from eating bad rice. In January 1865, Anderson received a report from Colonel Pointer that the enemy had halted at a certain place. The last mention of Pointer is in Wheeler's final report, dated April 15, 1865. He states that Colonel Pointer is still recovering from wounds. We know from Dodson's book that this last wound was received on February 9, 1865, near Aiken, South Carolina. Pointer was said to have been shot in the side while at Wheeler's side. It was apparently severe enough to get the young colonel sent home. The citation also says "Promoted," probably meaning in April. If so, this could mean that his tintype portraits in the uniform of a full colonel were made after the war, perhaps in Dallas.

Photos of Pointer taken late in the war or possibly after the surrender, show him with three stars on his collar, indicating he had been promoted to full colonel. Willie's pension application states her husband made lieutenant colonel on April 1, 1865. As previously stated, I now know this was the date of his promotion to full colonel. This brings up the possibility that Colonel Pointer may have been wounded after Williston, South Carolina.

Pointer’s own records state that he surrendered at Holly Springs, Mississippi, on April 23rd, 1865, and was paroled on the 9th of July. Family legend says he refused to take the oath to the US, and it is known that he traveled abroad, perhaps not returning until late 1867. The NYT obit places him in Mexico after the war, where he was working as a railroad [civil?] engineer and also financing railroads. The date of his marriage in 1865 and the birth of his first child, in 1868, are far enough apart to suggest that he left his bride behind when he traveled to Mexico. Contemporary news accounts, as well as the OR, show that many ex-Confederates went into exile there and hired out to the French puppet government. A letter written in September 1867 by Pointer's brother Samuel is interesting for its silence. Samuel, living in Arkansas, asks his parents what his other brothers are doing, but leaves out Marcellus. The natural inference is that Marcellus was not in Mississippi, or anywhere that his parents would have had easily available news of him.



On October 19th, 1865, Marcellus Pointer married Willie Anna Mayer, daughter of Adrian Mayer, who owned a good deal more slaves in 1860 than the Pointers did. A possible photo of her exists, but the identification is tentative at best. One post-war photo of the colonel exists, showing him rather gaunt, as if taken not long after the war, and it may well have been taken at the time of his wedding. Two of the couple’s three daughters appear in tintypes, two of Mary C., and one of Lillian. No known photos of Susie exist. Pointer's obits mention a daughter Sadie, who lived in Ardmore, Oklahoma, in 1909. She had written the colonel asking for money, but he was too broke to help out. One article says his effects were sent to her. I believe she and Susie are one and the same and that Sadie is most likely a nickname. Susie married Jesse D. Burr in Ennis, Texas in 1910 and he died in 1915. Sometime after the 1920 census Willie Pointer and her two widowed daughters moved to Los Angeles, California, where they are all buried.

Like so many, the Pointers and Martha Wynne, Marcellus’ sister, along with her three daughters, moved to Dallas around 1874, Marcellus by May of that year. (Martha’s husband Joel remained in Arkansas with his daughter Margaret by his second marriage. In January 1869, Margaret had married her first cousin, Captain Jesse W. Wynne, of the 3rd Texas Cavalry.) The 1870 census shows Marcellus at his father’s home in Como, Mississippi, while Willie and their daughters were in Holly Springs at her parents’ home. As early as 1875-76, Marcellus was involved with the Dallas & Wichita Railroad.

See Gunfight in Dallas.

NB: A newly discovered letter from Wheeler states that Pointer's rank as 1st lieutenant, ADC, dated to August 1862. He even agreed with Willie Pointer's statement in her pension application that Marcellus served his 12 month enlistment in the 9th Miss. Inf., then joined Wheeler less than ten days later. Records show the recommendation for appointment to lieutenant colonel was made January 29, 1864, and to full colonel on April 1, 1865. The last date also agrees with Willie's pension application.